jel'-us-i (qin'ah; zelos): Doubtless, the root idea of both the Greek and the Hob translated "jealousy" is "warmth," "heat." Both are used in a good and a bad sense--to represent right and wrong passion.
When jealousy is attributed to God, the word is used in a good sense. The language is, of course, anthropomorphic; and it is based upon the feeling in a husband of exclusive right in his wife. God is conceived as having wedded Israel to Himself, and as claiming, therefore, exclusive devotion. Disloyalty on the part of Israel is represented as adultery, and as provoking God to jealousy. See, e.g., Dt 32:16,21; 1 Ki 14:22; Ps 78:58; Ezek 8:3; 16:38,42; 23:25; 36:5; 38:19.
When jealousy is attributed to men, the sense is sometimes good, and sometimes bad. In the good sense, it refers to an ardent concern for God's honor. See, e.g., Nu 25:11 (compare 1 Ki 19:10; 2 Ki 10:16); 2 Cor 11:2 (compare Rom 10:2). In the bad sense it is found in Acts 7:9; Rom 13:13; 1 Cor 3:3; 2 Cor 12:20; Jas 3:14,16.
The "law of jealousy" is given in Nu 5:11-31. It provided that, when a man suspected his wife of conjugal infidelity, an offering should be brought to the priest, and the question of her guilt or innocence should be subjected to a test there carefully prescribed. The test was intended to be an appeal to God to decide the question at issue.
E. J. Forrester
See IMAGES .
See ADULTERY , (2).
je'-a-rim, je-a'-rim (har-ye`arim): A mountain by the side of which passed the border of Judah (Josh 15:10). It is mentioned here only, and is identical with CHESALON (which see).
je-ath'-e-ri, jeat'-e-ri (Revised Version (British and American)), (the King James Version) (ye'atheray, meaning unknown): A descendant of Gershom, "son" of Levi (1 Ch 6:21 (Hebrew 6)), and probably an ancestor of Asaph (so commentators); in 6:39-43 the corresponding name is "Ei." The difference in the Hebrew words is not great.
je-ber-e-ki'-a (yebherekhyahu, "Yah blesses"): The father of the Zechariah whom Isaiah (8:2) took as a witness of his prophecy against Syria and Ephraim (circa 734 BC).
je'-bus (yebhuc; Iebous): In Jdg 19:10,11, "Jebus (the same is Jerusalem)"; 1 Ch 11:4,5, "Jerusalem (the same is Jebus)." It was once thought that this was the first name of Jerusalem, as indeed might be suggested by the Biblical references, but it is now known from the Tell el-Amarna Letters that Urusa-lem was a name used centuries before the time of David (See JERUSALEM , I). It would appear probable that the name "Jebus" was evolved by the Hebrews as an alternate name, and possibly they may have imagined an earlier name, for Jerusalem from JEBUSITE (which see), the name of the local tribe who owned the district in the first centuries of Israel's occupation of Canaan.
E. W. G. Masterman
je'-bus, jeb'-u-si, jeb'-u-zit (yebhuc, ha-yebhuci): "Jebus" is an old name for Jerusalem (Jdg 19:10,11; 1 Ch 4:5 parallel 2 Sam 5:6-9, "the same is Jerus"; see preceding article). "Jebusi" (literally, "Jebusite") is also used as a name for the city in the King James Version (Josh 18:16,28; compare 15:8); the Revised Version (British and American) correctly renders "Jebusite" (See JERUSALEM ). "Jebusites," for the people (in the King James Version Gen 15:21; Ex 3:8,17, etc.), does not occur in Hebrew in the plural; hence, in the Revised Version (British and American) is always rendered in the singular, "Jebusite." The "Jebusite" is said in Gen 10:16; 1 Ch 1:14 to be the 3rd son of Canaan, i.e. of the country of Canaan. Elsewhere he represents a tribe separate from the Canaanites. He stands between Heth and the Amorite (compare Nu 13:29; Josh 11:3; Ezek 16:3,15). In the lists of the peoples inhabiting Palestine the "Jebusite" is always placed last, a fact indicative, probably, of their smaller number.
To what race the Jebusites belonged is doubtful. Their name does not seem Semitic, and they do not make their appearance till after the patriarchal period.
The original name of Jerusalem was Babylonian, Uru-Salim, "the city of Salim," shortened into Salem in Gen 14:18 and in the inscriptions of the Egyptian kings Ramses II and Ramses III. In the Tell el-Amarna Letters (1400 BC) Jerusalem is still known as Uru-Salim, and its king bears a Hittite name, implying that it was at the time in the possession of the Hittites. His enemies, however, were closing around him, and one of the tablets shows that the city was eventually captured and its king slain. These enemies would seem to have been the Jebusites, since it is after this period that the name "Jebus" makes its appearance for the first time in the Old Testament (Jdg 19:10,11).
The Jebusite king at the time of the conquest was Adoni-zedek, who met his death at Beth-boron (Josh 10:1 ff; in 10:5 the word "Amorite" is used in its Babylonian sense to denote the inhabitants of Canaan generally). The Jebusites were a mountain tribe (Nu 13:29; Josh 11:3). Their capital "Jebus" was taken by the men of Judah and burned with fire (Jdg 18), but they regained possession of, and held, the fortress till the time of David (2 Sam 5:6 ff).
When Jerusalem was taken by David, the lives and property of its Jebusite inhabitants were spared, and they continued to inhabit the temple-hill, David and his followers settling in the new City of David on Mt. Zion (Josh 15:8,63; Jdg 1:21; 19:11). And as Araunah is called "king" (2 Sam 24:23), we may conclude that their last ruler also had been lowed to live. His name is non-Sem, and the various spellings of it (compare 1 Ch 21:15, "Ornan") indicate that the Hebrew writers had some difficulty in pronouncing it. The Jebusites seem ultimately to have blended with the Israelite population.
James Orr
jek-a-mi'-a: the King James Version for JEKAMIAH (which see).
jek-i-li'-a (yekhilyah). See JECHOLIAH ; Kethibh and 2 Ch 26:3 the Revised Version (British and American), where Qere is yekholyah = "Jecoliah" (the King James Version).
jek-o-li'-a (yekholyahu; 2 Ki 15:2 the King James Version = yekholyah, Qere in 2 Ch 26:3, "Yah is able" or "Yah has been able"): The mother of King Uzziah (Azariah) of Judah. The Revised Version (British and American) has "Jecoliah" in 2 Ki and so the King James Version in 2 Ch.
jek-o-ni'-as (Iechonias, the King James Version; Greek form of "Jechoniah," the Revised Version (British and American)):
(1) The altered form of Jehoiachin (Additions to Esther 11:4; Baruch 1:3,9; Mt 1:11,12). The last but one of the kings of Judah.
(2) The son of Zeelus (1 Esdras 8:92), called "Shecaniah" in Ezr 10:2.
jek-o-li'-a: 2 Ki 15:2; 2 Ch 26:3 the King James Version; See JECHILIAH ;JECHOLIAH .
jek-o-ni'-a.
See JEHOIACHIN .
jek-o-ni-as (Iechonias):
(1) One of the chiliarchs who made great gifts of sheep and calves at the Passover of Josiah (1 Esdras 1:9); called "Conaniah" in 2 Ch 35:9.
(2) One reading makes Jeconias (not Joachaz) son of Josiah in 1 Esdras 1:34 margin.
je-da'-ya, je-di'-a:
(1) (yedha`yah, "Yah knows"):
(a) A priest in Jerusalem (1 Ch 9:10; 24:7).
(b) Ezr 2:36 = Neh 7:39, where "children of Jedaiah" are mentioned = "Jeddu" in 1 Esdras 5:24.
(c) Jedaiah is among "the priests and the Levites" that returned with Zerubbabel (Neh 11:10; 12:6,19).
(d) Another priest of the same name (Neh 12:7,21).
(e) One of the exiles whom Zechariah was commanded to send with silver and gold to Jerusalem. Septuagint does not take the word as a proper name (Zec 6:10,14)
(2) (yedhayah, "Yah throws" (?)):
(a) Father of a Simeonite prince (1 Ch 4:37).
(b) One of the repairers of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh 3:10).
David Francis Roberts
jed'-oo (Ieddou): Called JEDAIAH (which see 1, (b)) in canonical books (1 Esdras 5:24).
je-de'-us (Iedaios): Called ADAIAH (which see) in Ezr 10:29 (1 Esdras 9:30).
je-di'-a-el (yedhi`a'-el, "God makes known" (?)):
(1) A "son" of Benjamin or probably of Zebulun (1 Ch 7:6,10,11). See Curtis, Chronicles, 145-49, who suggests emending the name to yachle'el, Jahleel, in agreement with Gen 46:24.
(2) One of David's mighty men (1 Ch 11:45), probably = the Manassite who deserted to David at Ziklag (1 Ch 12:20 (Hebrew 21)).
(3) A Korahite doorkeeper in David's reign (1 Ch 26:2).
je-di'-da (yedhidhah, "beloved"): Mother of King Josiah of Judah, daughter of Adaiah of Bozkath (2 Ki 22:1).
jed-i-di'-a (yedhidh-yah, "the beloved of Yah"): The name conferred by God through Nathan upon Solomon at his birth (2 Sam 12:25).
je-du'-thun.
See ASAPH .
je-e'-li (Ieieli: Called "Jaalah" in Ezr 2:56 and "Jaala" in Neh 7:58 (1 Esdras 5:33).
je-e'-lus (Ieelos): Called "Jehiel" in Ezr 10:2 (1 Esdras 8:92).
je-e'-zer (the King James Version) ('i`ezer; the Revised Version (British and American) IEZER): The name of a elan of Gilead (Nu 26:30), but read la-'abhi`ezer, i.e. "of Abiezer" (compare Josh 17:2).
See ABIEZER .
je-e'-zer-its.
See ABIEZER .
je-gar-sa-ha-du'-tha (yeghar sahadhutha'; Septuagint Bounos marturei, "(the) mound witnesses"): The name given by the Aramean, Laban, to the "cairn of witness," called by Jacob GALEED (which see) (Gen 31:47). The rest of the second part of this name appears again in Job 16:19, where sahadhi, should be rendered with the Revised Version (British and American), "he that voucheth for me," i.e. "my witness."
je-hal'-e-lel (Revised Version (British and American)), je-ha-le'-le-el (the King James Version) (yehallel'el, "he shall praise God"):
(1) A Judahite (1 Ch 4:16).
(2) A Levite, a descendant of Merari (2 Ch 29:12).
je-de'-ya, ja'-de-ya (yechdeyahu, "may Yahweh give joy!"):
(1) A Levite, head of the family of Shubael (1 Ch 24:20).
(2) An officer of David "over the asses" (1 Ch 27:30).
je-hez'-kel (Revised Version (British and American)), je-hez'-e-kel (the King James Version) (yechezqe'l "God strengthens"):
(1) A priest of David's time (1 Ch 24:16).
(2) Jehezkel in Ezek 1:3 King James Version margin, for EZEKIEL (which see).
je-hi'-a (yechiyah, "may Yahweh live!"): Keeper of the ark with Obed-edom (1 Ch 15:24), but in verse 18 the name is ye`i'el, JEIEL (which see)
je-hi'-el, je-hi'-e-li (yechi'el, "may God live!"):
(1) A Levite, one of the musicians appointed to play upon instruments at the bringing up of the ark by David (1 Ch 15:18,20; 16:5); (yechi'eli): A patronymic of this name (1 Ch 26:21,22), but Curtis (Chronicles, 286-87) reads "Jehiel (1 Ch 26:21) and he is brethren Zetham and Joel" (1 Ch 26:22); compare 1 Ch 23:8, where the three seem to be brothers. See (2) above.
(2) A Gershonite, head of a Levitical house (1 Ch 23:8; 29:8).
(3) Son of a Hachmonite; he was "with the king's (David's) sons," i.e. their tutor (1 Ch 27:32).
(4) A son of King Jehoshaphat (2 Ch 21:2).
(5) In 2 Ch 29:14 the King James Version, where Qere is yechu'el, the Revised Version (British and American) "Jehuel," a Hermanite Levite who took part in cleansing the temple in Hezekiah's reign.
(6) An overseer in Hezekiah's reign (2 Ch 31:13).
(7) One of the three "rulers" of the temple in Hezekiah's reign (2 Ch 35:8).
(8) Father of Obadiah, a returned exile (Ezr 8:9) = "Jezelus" of 1 Esdras 8:35.
(9) Father of Shecaniah (Ezr 10:2) = "Jeelus" of 1 Esdras 8:92. He was a "son" of Elam, and so probably the same as "Jehiel" in Ezr 10:26, one of those who had married foreign wives = "Jezrielus" of 1 Esdras 9:27.
(10) A "son" of Harim, and one of those who had married foreign wives (Ezr 10:21) = "Hiereel" of 1 Esdras 9:21.
(11) The King James Version in 1 Ch 9:35 = JEIEL (q.v. (2)).
(12) The King James Version in 1 Ch 11:44 = JEIEL (q.v. (3)).
David Francis Roberts
je-hiz-ki'-a (yechizqiyahu, "Yah strengthens"): One of the Ephraimite chiefs (2 Ch 28:12) who with Obed are said to have opposed the enslavement of the Judahites taken captive by Pekah in his war against Ahaz (circa 734 BC).
je-ho-ad'-a (Revised Version (British and American)), je-ho'-a-da (the King James Version) (yeho`addah, "Yah has deposed" or "numbered"): A descendant of King Saul (1 Ch 8:36), called "Jarah" in 1 Ch 9:42, where the Septuagint has Iada = ya`dah.
See JARAH .
je-ho-ad'-an (yeho`addan, meaning unknown): In 2 Ch 25:1; and Qere, the King James Version in 2 Ki 14:2, where Kethibh and the Revised Version (British and American) are "Jehoaddin" (yeho`addin), the mother of King Amaziah of Judah.
je-ho-ad'-in.
See JEHOADDAN .
je-ho'-a-haz, je-ho-a'-haz (yeho'achaz, "Yah has grasped"; Ioachas; 2 Ki 13:1-9):
(1) Son of Jehu, and 11th king of Israel. He is stated to have reigned 17 years.
Josephus was already aware (Ant., IX, viii, 5) of the chronological difficulty involved in the cross-references in 2 Ki 13:1 and 10, the former of which states that Jehoahaz began to reign in the 23rd year of Jehoash of Jerusalem, and reigned 17 years; while the latter gives him a successor in Jehoash's 37th year, or 14 years later. Josephus alters the figure of 13:1 to 21; and, to meet the same difficulty, the Septuagint (Aldine edition) changes 37 to 39 in 13:10. The difficulty may be met by supposing that Jehoahaz was associated with his father Jehu for several years in the government of the country before the death of the latter, and that these years were counted as a part of his reign. This view has in its favor the fact that Jehu was an old man when he died, and may have been incapacitated for the full discharge of administrative duties before the end came. The accession of Jehoahaz as sole ruler may be dated about 825 BC.
2. Low Condition of the Kingdom:
When Jehoahaz came to the throne, he found a discouraged and humiliated people. The territory beyond Jordan, embracing 2 1/2 tribes, or one-fourth of the whole kingdom, had been lost in warfare with the Syrian king, Hazael (2 Ki 10:32,33). A heavy annual subsidy was still payable to Assyria, as by his father Jehu. The neighboring kingdom of Judah was still unfriendly to any member of the house of Jehu. Elisha the prophet, though then in the zenith of his influence, does not seem to have done anything toward the stability of Jehu's throne.
Specially did Israel suffer during this reign from the continuance of the hostility of Damascus (2 Ki 13:3,4,22). Hazael had been selected, together with Jehu, as the instrument by which the idolatry of Israel was to be punished (1 Ki 19:16). Later the instruments of vengeance fell out. On Jehu's death, the pressure from the east on Hazael was greatly relieved. The great conqueror, Shalmaneser II, had died, and his son Samsi-Ramman IV had to meet a revolt within the empire, and was busy with expeditions against Babylon and Media during the 12 years of his reign (824-812 BC). During these years, the kingdoms of the seaboard of the Mediterranean were unmolested. They coincide with the years of Jehoahaz, and explain the freedom which Hazael had to harass the dominions of that king.
Particulars of the several campaigns in which the troops of Damascus harassed Israel are not given. The life of Elisha extended through the 3 reigns of Jehoram (12 years), Jehu (28 years) and Jehoahaz (12 or 13 years), into the reign of Joash (2 Ki 13:1). It is therefore probable that in the memorabilia of his life in 2 Ki 4 through 8, now one and now another king of Israel should figure, and that some of the episodes there recorded belong to the reign of Jehoahaz. There are evidences that strict chronological order is not observed in the narrative of Elisha, e.g. Gehazi appears in waiting on the king of Israel in 8:5, after the account of his leprosy in 5:27. The terrible siege of Samaria in 2 Ki 7 is generally referred to the reign of Jehoram; but no atmosphere is so suitable to it as that of the reign of Jehoahaz, in one of the later years of whom it may have occurred. The statement in 13:7 that "the king of Syria destroyed them, and made them like the dust in threshing," and the statistics there given of the depleted army of Jehoahaz, would correspond with the state of things that siege implies. In this case the Ben-hadad of 2 Ki 6:24 would be the son of Hazael (13:3).
Jehoahaz, like his father, maintained the calf-worship in Bethel and Dan, and revived also the cult of the Asherah, a form of Canaanitish idolatry introduced by Ahab (1 Ki 16:33). It centered round a sacred tree or pole, and was probably connected with phallic worship (compare 1 K 15:13, where Maacah, mother of Asa, is said to have "made an abominable image for an Asherah" in Jerusalem).
The close of this dark reign, however, is brightened by a partial reform. In his distress, we are told, "Jehoahaz besought Yahweh, and Yahweh hearkened unto him" (2 Ki 13:4). If the siege of Samaria in 2 Ki 6 belongs to his reign, we might connect this with his wearing "sackcloth within upon his flesh" (6:30)--an act of humiliation only accidentally discovered by the rending of his garments. 2 Ki 6:5 goes on to say that "Yahweh gave Israel a saviour, so that they went out from under the hand of the Syrians." The "saviour" may refer to Joash, under whom the deliverance began (13:25), or to Jeroboam II, of whom it is declared that by him God "saved" Israel (14:27). Others take it to refer to Ramman-nirari III, king of Assyria, whose conquest of Damascus made possible the victories of these kings.
See JEHOASH .
W. Shaw Caldecott
(2) A king of Judah, son and successor of Josiah; reigned three months and was deposed, 608 BC. Called "Shallum" in Jer 22:11; compare 1 Ch 3:15. The story of his reign is told in 2 Ki 23:30-35, and in a briefer account in 2 Ch 36:1-3. The historian o 2 Kings characterizes his reign as evil; 2 Ch passes no verdict upon him. On the death of his father in battle, which threw the realm into confusion, he, though a younger son (compare 2 Ki 23:31 with 23:36; 1 Ch 3:15 makes him the fourth son of Josiah), was raised to the throne by "the people of the land," the same who had secured the accession to his father; see underJOSIAH . Perhaps, as upholders of the sterling old Davidic idea, which his father had carried out so well, they saw in him a better hope for its integrity than in his elder brother Jehoiakim (Eliakim), whose tyrannical tendencies may already have been too apparent. The prophets also seem to have set store by him, if we may judge by the sympathetic mentions of him in Jer 22:11 and Ezek 1:3,4. His career was too short, however, to make any marked impression on the history of Judah.
Josiah's ill-advised meddling with the designs of Pharaoh-necoh (see underJOSIAH ) had had, in fact, the ill effect of plunging Judah again into the vortex of oriental politics, from which it had long been comparatively free. The Egyptian king immediately concluded that so presumptuous a state must not be left in his rear unpunished. Arrived at Riblah on his Mesopotamian expedition, he put Jehoahaz in bonds, and later carried him prisoner to Egypt, where he died; raised his brother Jehoiakim to the throne as a vassal king; and imposed on the realm a fine of a hundred talents of silver and a talent of gold. So the fortunes of the Judean state, so soon after Josiah's good reign, began their melancholy change for the worse.
John Franklin Genung
(3) In 2 Ch 21:17; 25:23 = AHAZIAH, king of Judah (which see) (2 Ki 8:25 ff; 2 Ch 22:1 ff).
je-ho'-ash, the uncontracted form of (yeho'ash, yo'ash, "Yahweh has bestowed"; compare 2 Ki 11:2,21; 12:1,19; 2 Ch 24:1, etc.; Ioas):
(1) The 9th king of Judah; son of Ahaziah and Zibiah, a woman of Beersheba (2 Ki 11 through 12; 2 Ch 22:10 through 24:27). Jehoash was 7 years old at his accession, and reigned 40 years. His accession may be placed in 852 BC. Some include in the years of his reign the 6 years of Athaliah's usurpation.
When, on Athaliah's usurpation of the throne, she massacred the royal princes, Jehoash was saved from her unnatural fury by the action of his aunt Jehosheba, the wife of Jehoiada, the high priest (2 Ki 11:1,2; 2 Ch 22:10,11). During 6 years he was concealed in the house of Jehoiada, which adjoined the temple; hence, is said to have been "hid in the house of Yahweh"--a perfectly legitimate use of the phrase according to the idiom of the time.
During these formative years of Jehoash's early life, he was under the moral and spiritual influence of Jehoiada--a man of lofty character and devout spirit. At the end of 6 years, a counter-revolution was planned by Jehoiada, and was successfully carried out on a Sabbath, at one of the great festivals. The accounts of this revolution in Kings and Chronicles supplement each other, but though the Levitical interest of the Chronicler is apparent in the details to which he gives prominence, the narratives do not necessarily collide, as has often been represented. The event was prepared for by the young king being privately exhibited to the 5 captains of the "executioners" (the Revised Version (British and American) "Carites") and "runners" (2 Ki 11:4; 2 Ch 23:1). These entered into covenant with Jehoiada, and, by his direction, summoned the Levites from Judah (2 Ch 23:2), and made the necessary arrangements for guarding the palace and the person of the king. In these dispositions both the royal body-guard and the Levites seem to have had their parts. Jehoash next appears standing on a platform in front of the temple, the law of the testimony in his hand and the crown upon his head. Amid acclamations, he is anointed king. Athaliah, rushing on the scene with cries of "treason" (See ATHALIAH ), is driven forth and slain. A new covenant is made between Yahweh and the king and people, and, at the conclusion of the ceremony, a great procession is formed, and the king is conducted with honor to the royal house (2 Ki 11:19; 2 Ch 23:20). Thus auspiciously did the new reign begin.
Grown to manhood (compare the age of his son Amaziah, 2 Ki 14:25), Jehoash married two wives, and by them had sons and daughters (2 Ch 24:3). His great concern at this period, however, was the repair of the temple--the "house of Yahweh"--which in the reign of Athaliah had been broken up in many places, plundered, and allowed to become dilapidated (2 Ki 12:5,12; 2 Ch 24:7). To meet the expense of its restoration, the king gave orders that all moneys coming into the temple, whether dues or voluntary offerings, should be appropriated for this purpose (2 Ki 12:4), and from the account in Chronicles would seem to have contemplated a revival of the half-shekel tax appointed by Moses for the construction of the tabernacle (2 Ch 24:5,6; compare Ex 30:11-16; 38:25). To enforce this impost would have involved a new census, and the memory of the judgments which attended David's former attempt of this kind may well have had a deterrent effect on Jehoiada and the priesthood. "The Levites hastened it not," it is declared (2 Ch 24:5).
Time passed, and in the 23rd year of the king's reign (his 30th year), it was found that the breaches of the house had still not been repaired. A new plan was adopted. It was arranged that a chest with a hole bored in its lid should be set up on the right side of the altar in the temple-court, under the care of two persons, one the king's scribe, the other an officer of the high priest, and that the people should be invited to bring voluntarily their half-shekel tax or other offerings, and put it in this box (2 Ki 12:9; 2 Ch 24:8,9). Gifts from worshippers who did not visit the altar were received by priests at the gate, and brought to the box. The expedient proved brilliantly successful. The people cheerfully responded, large sums were contributed, the money was honestly expended, and the temple was thoroughly renovated. There remained even a surplus, with which gold and silver vessels were made, or replaced, for the use of the temple. Jehoiada's long and useful life seems to have closed soon after.
With the death of this good man, it soon became evident that the strongest pillar of the state was removed. It is recorded that "Jehoash did that which was right in the eyes of Yahweh all his days wherein Jehoiada the priest instructed him" (2 Ki 12:2), but after Jehoiada had been honorably interred in the sepulchers of the kings (2 Ch 24:16), a sad declension became manifest. The princes of Judah came to Jehoash and expressed their wish for greater freedom in worship than had been permitted them by the aged priest. With weak complaisance, the king "hearkened unto them" (2 Ch 24:17). Soon idols and Asherahs began to be set up in Jerusalem and the other cities of Judah. Unnamed prophets raised their protests in vain. The high priest Zechariah, a worthy son of Jehoiada, testified in his place that as the nation had forsaken Yahweh, he also would forsake it, and that disaster would follow (2 Ch 24:20). Wrathful at the rebuke, the king gave orders that Zechariah should be stoned with stones in the temple-court (2 Ch 24:21). This was done, and the act of sacrilege, murder, and ingratitude was perpetrated to which Jesus seems to refer in Mt 23:35; Lk 11:51 ("son of Barachiah" in the former passage is probably an early copyist's gloss through confusion with the prophet Zechariah).
6. Calamities and Assassination:
The high priest's dying words, "Yahweh look upon it, and require it," soon found an answer. Within a year of Zechariah's death, the armies of Hazael, the Syrian king, were ravaging and laying waste Judah. The city of Gath fell, and a battle, the place of which is not given, placed Jerusalem at the mercy of the foe (2 Ki 12:17; 2 Ch 24:23,24). To save the capital from the indignity of foreign occupation, Jehoash, then in dire sickness, collected all the hallowed things of the temple, and all the gold of the palace, and sent them to Hazael (2 Ki 12:17,18). This failure of his policy, in both church and state, excited such popular feeling against Jehoash, that a conspiracy was formed to assassinate him. His physical sufferings won for him no sympathy, and two of his own officers slew him, while asleep, in the fortress of Millo, where he was paying a visit (2 Ki 12:20). He was buried in the city of David, but not in the royal sepulchers, as Jehoiada had been (2 Ch 24:25).
Jehoash is mentioned as the father of Amaziah (2 Ki 14:1; 2 Ch 25:25). His contemporaries in Israel were Jehoahaz (2 Ki 13:1) and Jehoash (2 Ki 13:10).
(2) The son of Jehoahaz, and 12th king of Israel (2 Ki 13:10-25; 14:8-16; 2 Ch 25:17-24).
Jehoash reigned for 16 years. His accession may be placed in 813 BC. There were almost simultaneous changes in the sovereignties of Judah and of Assyria--Amazih succeeding to the throne of Judah in the 2nd year of Jehoash, and Ramman-nirari III coming to the throne of Assyria in 811 BC--which had important effects on the history of Israel in this reign.
During the three previous reigns, for half a century, Elisha had been the prophet of Yahweh to Israel. He was now aged and on his deathbed. Hearing of his illness, the young king came to Dothan, where the prophet was, and had a touching interview with him. His affectionate exclamation, "My father, my father, the chariots of Israel and the horsemen thereof" (2 Ki 13:14; compare 2:12), casts a pleasing light upon his character. On his lips the words had another meaning than they bore when used by Elish himself at Elijah's translation. Then they referred to the "appearance" which parted Elisha from his master; now they referred to the great service rendered by the prophet to the kingdom. Not only had Elisha repeatedly saved the armies of Israel from the ambushes prepared for them by the Syrians (2 Ki 6:8-23), but he had given assurance of the relief of the capital when it was at its worst extremity (2 Ki 6:24 ff). To Jehoash, Elisha's presence was indeed in place of chariots and horse. The truth was anew demonstrated by the promise which the dying prophet now made to him. Directing Jehoash in the symbolical action of the shooting of certain arrows, he predicted three victories over the Syrians--the first at Aphek, now Fik, on the East of the Lake of Galilee--and more would have been granted, had the faith of the king risen to the opportunity then afforded him (2 Ki 6:15-19).
An interesting light is thrown by the annals of Assyria on the circumstances which may have made these victories of Jehoash possible. Ramman-nirari III, who succeeded to the throne in 811 BC, made an expedition against Damascus, Edom and Philistia, in his account of which he says: "I shut up the king (of Syria) in his chief city, Damascus. .... He clasped my feet, and gave himself up. .... His countless wealth and goods I seized in Damascus." With the Syrian power thus broken during the remainder of this ruler's reign of 27 years, it may be understood how Jehoash should be able to recover, as it is stated he did, the cities which Ben-hadad had taken from his father Jehoahaz (2 Ki 13:25). Schrader and others see in this Assyrian ruler the "saviour" of Israel alluded to in 2 Ki 13:5; more usually the reference is taken to be to Jehoash himself, and to Jeroboam II (compare 2 Ki 14:27).
The epitome of Jehoash's reign is very brief, but the favorable impression formed of him from the acts of Elisha is strengthened by another gained from the history of Amaziah of Judah (2 Ki 14:8-16; 2 Ch 25:17-24). For the purpose of a southern campaign Amaziah had hired a large contingent of troops from Samaria. Being sent back unemployed, these mercenaries committed ravages on their way home, for which, apparently, no redress was given. On the first challenge of the king of Judah, Jehoash magnanimously refused the call to arms, but on Amaziah persisting, the peace established nearly 80 years before by Jehoshaphat (1 Ki 22:44) was broken at the battle of Beth-shemesh, in which Amaziah was defeated and captured. Jerusalem opened its gates to the victor, and was despoiled of all its treasure, both of palace and temple. A portion of the wall was broken down, and hostages for future behavior were taken to Samaria (2 Ki 14:13,14).
Jehoash did not long survive his crowning victory, but left a resuscitated state, and laid the foundation for a subsequent rule which raised Israel to the zenith of its power. Josephus gives Jehoash a high character for godliness, but, like each of his predecessors, he followed in the footsteps of Jeroboam I in permitting, if not encouraging, the worship of the golden calves. Hence, his conduct is pronounced "evil" by the historian (2 Ki 13:11). He was succeeded by his son Jeroboam II.
W. Shaw Caldecott
je-ho-ha'-nan (yehochanan, "Yahweh is (or has been) gracious"):
(1) A Korahite doorkeeper in David's reign, "son" of Meshelemiah (1 Ch 26:3). Septuagint, Luc, has "Jehonathan."
(2) One of the five captains over King Jehoshaphat's army (2 Ch 17:15), probably father of Ishmael, "son of Jehohanan" (2 Ch 23:1).
(3) Ezr 10:6 (the King James Version has "Johnnan") = "Johanan" of Neh 12:22,23 = "Jonathan" of Neh 12:11, "son" of Eliashib (Ezr 10:6; but "grandson" in Neh 12:11). He was high priest in Ezra's time = "Jonas" in 1 Esdras 9:1 (the King James Version "Joanan").
(4) One of those who had married foreign wives (Ezr 10:28) = "Joannes" the Revised Version (British and American), "Johannes" the King James Version (1 Esdras 9:29).
(5) Son of Tobiah, the Ammonite, Nehemiah's opponent (Neh 6:18, the King James Version "Johanan").
(6) Head of the priestly family of Amariah (Neh 12:13).
(7) A priest present at the dedication of the walls of Jerusalem (Neh 12:42).
(8) The name in the Hebrew of 2 Ch 28:12.
See JOHANAN , (7).
David Francis Roberts
je-hoi'-a-kin (yehoyakhin, "Yahweh will uphold"; called also "Jeconiah" in 1 Ch 3:16; Jer 24:1; yekhonyah, "Yahweh will be steadfast," and "Coniah" in Jer 22:24,28; konyahu, "Yahweh has upheld him"; 'Ioakeim): A king of Judah; son and successor of Jehoiakim; reigned three months and surrendered to Nebuchadnezzar; was carried to Babylon, where, after being there 37 years a prisoner, he died.
The story of his reign is told in 2 Ki 24:8-16, and more briefly in 2 Ch 36:9-10. Then, after the reign of his successor Zedekiah and the final deportation are narrated, the account of his release from prison 37 years afterward and the honor done him is given as the final paragraph of 2 Ki (25:27-30). The same thing is told at the end of the Book of Jer (52:31-34). Neither for this reign nor for the succeeding is there the usual reference to state annals; these seem to have been discontinued after Jehoiakim. In Jer 22:24-30 there is a final pronouncement on this king, not so much upon the man as upon his inevitable fate, and a prediction that no descendant of his shall ever have prosperous rule in Judah.
Of the brief reign of Jehoiachin there is little to tell. It was rather a historic landmark than a reign; but its year, 597 BC, was important as the date of the first deportation of Jewish captives to Babylon (unless we except the company of hostages carried away in Jehoiakim's 3rd (4th) year, Dan 1:1-7). His coming to the throne was just at or near the time when Nebuchadnezzar's servants were besieging Jerusalem; and when the Chaldean king's arrival in person to superintend the siege made apparent the futility of resistance, Jehoiachin surrendered to him, with all the royal household and the court. He was carried prisoner to Babylon, and with him ten thousand captives, comprising all the better and sturdier element of the people from prince to craftsman, leaving only the poorer sort to constitute the body of the nation under his successor Zedekiah. With the prisoners were carried away also the most valuable treasures of the temple and the royal palace.
Ever since Isaiah fostered the birth and education of a spiritually-minded remnant, for him the vital hope of Israel, the growth and influence of this element in the nation has been discernible, as well in the persecution it has roused (see underMANASSEH ), as in its fiber of sound progress. It is as if a sober sanity of reflection were curing the people of their empty idolatries. The feeling is well expressed in such a passage as Hab 2:18-20. Hitherto, however, the power of this spiritual Israel has been latent, or at best mingled and pervasive among the various occupations and interests of the people. The surrender of Jehoiachin brings about a segmentation of Israel on an unheard-of principle: not the high and low in wealth or social position, but the weight and worth of all classes on the one side, who are marked for deportation, and the refuse element of all classes on the other, who are left at home. With which element of this strange sifting Jeremiah's prophetic hopes are identified appears in his parable of the Good and Bad Figs (Jer 24), in which he predicts spiritual integrity and upbuilding to the captives, and to the home-staying remainder, shame and calamity. Later on, he writes to the exiles in Babylon, advising them to make themselves at home and be good citizens (Jer 29:1-10). As for the hapless king, "this man Coniah," who is to be their captive chief in a strange land, Jeremiah speaks of him in a strain in which the stern sense of Yahweh's inexorable purpose is mingled with tender sympathy as he predicts that this man shall never have a descendant on David's throne (Jer 22:24-30). It is as if he said, All as Yahweh has ordained, but--the pity of it!
In the first year of Nebuchadnezzar's successor, perhaps by testamentary edict of Nebuchadnezzar himself, a strange thing occurred. Jehoiachin, who seems to have been a kind of hostage prisoner for his people, was released from prison, honored above all the other kings in similar case, and thenceforth to the end of his life had his portion at the royal table (2 Ki 25:27-30; Jer 52:31-34). This act of clemency may have been due to some such good influence at court as is described in the Book of Daniel; but also it was a tribute to the good conduct of that better element of the people of which he was hostage and representative. It was the last event of Judean royalty; and suggestive for the glimpse it seems to afford of a people whom the Second Isaiah could address as redeemed and forgiven, and of a king taken from durance and judgment (compare Isa 53:8), whose career makes strangely vivid the things that are said of the mysterious "Servant of Yahweh."
John Franklin Genung
je-hoi'-a-da (yehoyadha`, "Yahweh knows"; Iodae):
(1) Father of Benaiah, the captain of David's body-guard (2 Sam 8:18; 20:23; 23:20,22; 1 Ki 1:8, etc.). Jehoiada was "the son of a valiant man of Kabzeel" (2 Sam 23:20), but commentators read with Septuagint and Ewald, "Benaiah (the son of Jehoiada) a man of valor." Kabzeel was a town belonging to Judah on the border of Edom in the South (Josh 15:21). In 1 Ch 27:5, we read "Benaiah, the son of Jehoiada the priest, chief," the Revised Version (British and American), but the Revised Version margin has "chief minister" wrongly. Yet Jehoiada is nowhere else called a priest or even a Levite, though in 1 Ch 12:27 (Hebrew, verse 28) a Jehoiada is mentioned as a military "leader of the house of Aaron," who came to David to Hebron with other members of the house of Levi. In 1 Ch 27:34 there is named among David's counselors, "Jehoiada the son. of Benaiah," where some commentators would read with two manuscripts, "Benaiah, the son of Jehoiada" though Curtis, Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Books of Chronicles, 295, keeps the Massoretic Text.
(2) Priest in the reigns of Ahaziah, Queen Athaliah, and Jehoash (Joash) of Judah (2 Ki 11:4-12:16 (Hebrew 17) = 2 Ch 23:1 through 24:14; 2 Ch 22:11; 24:14-16,17-20,22,25). In 2 Ki 12:10 (Hebrew, verse 11) he is called "high priest," and is the first to be given that title, but as the priest lived in the temple, there is no meaning in saying that he "came up," so commentators omit the words, "and the chief priest." According to 2 Ch 22:11, he had married Jehoshabeath (= Jehosheba), the daughter of the king, i.e. Jehoram.
1. Jehoiada and the Revolt against Athaliah:
(a) The account in 2 Ch 23:1-21 differs in many respects from that in 2 Ki 11:4-20, but even the latter has its problems, and Stade (ZATW, 1885, 280 ff) pointed out two sources in it. This view is accepted by many. A reader is struck at once by the double reference to the death of Athaliah (2 Ki 11:16,20), and the construction of the Hebrew for "making a covenant" is different in 2 Ki 11:4 from that in 11:17. Stade holds that there is one narrative in 11:4-12,18b-20 and another in 11:13-18a.
In the first, Jehoiada makes an agreement with the captains of the foreign body-guard, and arranges that both the incoming and outgoing temple-guard shall be kept in the temple at the time when the guard should be changed on the Sabbath, and also that th e young prince, Jehoash, who had been kept in hiding, shall be proclaimed. The captains do this, and the prince is crowned and proclaimed (2 Ki 11:4-12). Then officers are set up in the temple, and Jehoash is taken to the royal palace and enthroned. The revolt proves popular with the people of Jerusalem and those of the district, and Athaliah is slain in the palace.
But there are difficulties in this narrative, though the above gives the trend of events; 2 Ki 11:5 refers to a third of the guard who "came in on the sabbath," and 11:7 to two companies who "go forth on the sabbath"; the Hebrew is, "they that enter the sabbath" and "they that go out of the sabbath." 2 Ki 11:9 makes clear the connection between 11:5 and 7. But 11:6 introduces a difficulty: it seems to denote a division of those who "enter" into three divisions, i.e. the two in 11:6 and one in 11:5. If 11:6 be omitted, as is proposed by many, this difficulty vanishes. But there still remains the question of the change of guards. Commentators say that "they who enter the sabbath" are those who leave the temple and enter their quarters at the beginning of the Sabbath, presumably, while "those who go out" are those who leave their quarters to mount guard. This is not impossible as an explanation of the Hebrew. It is further believed that the guard at the temple on the Sabbath was double that on other days. The other explanation, held by older commentators is that on the Sabbath the guard was only half its usual size; this gives another meaning to the Hebrew phrases. On the other hand, it may be held that the revolt took place at the close of the Sabbath, and that the double-sized guard was kept by Jehoiada even after the usual-sized one had come to take their place. It should be added that Wellhausen proposed to read (tse`adhoth), "armlets" (compare Isa 3:19), for (`edhuth), "testimony," in 2 Ki 11:12; and in 11:19 the words "and all the people of the land" are held to be an addition.
(b) The 2nd narrative (2 Ki 11:13-18a) begins suddenly. Presumably, its earlier part was identical with the earlier part of the 1st narrative, unless 2 Ki 11:6 was a part originally of this 2nd account. Athaliah hears the noise of the people (11:13, where "the guard" is a gloss and so to be omitted), and comes to the temple, where she witnesses the revolt and cries, "Treason! treason!" Jehoiada orders her to be put forth (omit "between the ranks" in 11:15), so that she should not be slain in the temple, and she is murdered at one of the palace entrances (11:16, where the Revised Version (British and American), following Septuagint of 2 Ch 23:15, translates the first sentence wrongly: it should be "So they laid hands on her"). Jehoiada then makes the king and the people enter into a solemn covenant to be Yahweh's people, and the result is the destruction of the temple of Baal, and the death of Mattan, its priest (1 Ki 11:17,18a). This 2nd narrative gives a religious significance to the revolt, but it is incomplete. The other narrative presents a very natural course of events, for it was absolutely necessary for Jehoiada to secure the allegiance of the royal foreign body-guard.
(c) The account in 2 Ch 23:1-21, though following that of 2 Ki in the main, differs from it considerably. The guard is here composed of Levites; it does not mention the foreign body-guard, and relates how the revolt was planned with the Levites of the cities of Judah--a method which would have become known to Athaliah and for which she would have made preparations, no doubt. Ch makes it a wholly religious movement, while 2 Kings gives two points of view. The value of the Chronicler's account depends largely on one's estimate of the Books of Chronicles and one's views as to the development of the Jewish priestly system. A. Van Hoonacker, Lesacerdoce levitique dans la loi et dans l'histoire des Hebreux, 93-100, defends the account in 2 Chronicles.
2. Jehoiada and the Restoration of the Temple:
The part which Jehoiada played in the restoration of the temple buildings is described in 2 Ki 11:21 through 12:16 (Hebrew 12:1-17) parallel 2 Ch 24:1-14. Here again the narratives of 2 Ki and 2 Ch differ to a large extent.
(a) According to 2 Kings, (i) the priests are commanded by Jehoash to devote the dues or free-will offerings of the people to repairing the breaches in the temple. They fail to do so, and (ii) Jehoiada is summoned by the king and rebuked. Then (iii) a new regulation is put into force: the offerings, except the guilt offerings and sin offerings, are no longer to be given to the priests, but to be put into a chest provided in the temple for the purpose. (iv) The money got in this way is devoted to repairing the temple, but (v) none of it is used to provide temple vessels.
(b) Chronicles, on the other hand, (i) relates that the priests and Levites are commanded to go through Judah to collect the necessary money. They "hastened it not." Then (ii) Jehoiada is summoned to account for this disobedience, and (iii) a chest is put outside the temple to receive the tax commanded by Moses. (iv) This the people pay willingly, and the temple is repaired. There is such a surplus that (v) there is money also to provide vessels for the temple.
It is at least questionable whether the additions in 2 Chronicles are trustworthy; the contradictions against 2 Kings are clear, and the latter gives the more likely narrative, although Van Hoonackcr (op. cit., 10114) defends the former.
According to 2 Ch 24:15, Jehoiada lived to be 130 years old, and was buried among the kings--a unique distinction.
(3) The King James Version in Neh 3:6 = JOIADA (which see).
(4) There is a Jehoiada, the priest mentioned in Jer 29:26, in whose stead Zephaniah was declared priest by Shemaiah in a letter.
Giesebrecht takes him to be the same as the priest of Athaliah's time (see (2) above), but Duhm says that nothing is known of him. In any case, Zephaniah could not have been the direct successor of the well-known Jehoiada, and so the reference can scarcely be to him if it is to have any meaning.
David Francis Roberts
je-hoi'-a-kim (yehoyaqim, "Yahweh will establish"; Ioakeim): The name given him by Pharaoh-necoh, who raised him to the throne as vassal king in place of his brother Jehoahaz, is changed from Eliakim (`elyaqim, "God will establish"). The change compounds the name, after the royal Judean custom, with that of Yahweh; it may also imply that Necoh claims Yahweh's authorization for his act, as in a similar way Sennacherib had claimed it for his invasion of Judah (2 Ki 18:25). He has represented the campaign with which Josiah interfered as undertaken by Divine command ('El, 2 Ch 35:21); this episode of it merely translates the authorization, rather arrogantly, into the conquered nation's dialect.
A king of Judah, elder (half-) brother and successor of Jehoahaz; reigned 11 years from 608 BC.
I. Sources for His Life and Time.
The circumstances of his accession and raising of the indemnity to Pharaoh-necoh, followed by a brief resume of his reign, are narrated in 2 Ki 23:34 through 24:6. The naming of the source for "the rest of his acts" (24:5) is the last reference we have to "the book of the chronicles of the kings of Judah." The account in 2 Ch 36:5-8, though briefer still, mentions Nebuchadnezzar's looting of the temple at some uncertain date in his reign. Neither account has any good to say of Jehoiakim; to the writer of 2 Kings, however, his ill fortunes are due to Yahweh's retributive justice for the sins of Manasseh; while to the Chronicler the sum of his acts, apparently connected with the desecration of the sanctuary, is characterized as "the abominations which he did." For "the rest of his acts" we are referred, also for the last time, to the "book of the kings of Israel and Judah."
For the moral and spiritual chaos of the time, and for prophecies and incidents throwing much light on the king's character, Jeremiah has a number of extended passages, not, however, in consecutive order.
The main ones clearly identifiable with this reign are: 2 Ki 22:13-19, inveighing against the king's tyrannies and predicting his ignominious death; 2 Kings 26, dated in the beginning of his reign and again predicting (as had been predicted before in 7:2-15) the destruction of the temple; 2 Kings 25, dated in his 4th year and predicting the conquest of Judah and surrounding nations by Nebuchadnezzar; 2 Kings 36, dated in the 4th and 5th years, and telling the story of the roll of prophecy which the king destroyed; 2 Kings 45, an appendix from the 4th year, reassuring Baruch the scribe, in terms of the larger prophetic scale, for his dismay at what he had to write; 2 Kings 46, also an appendix, a reminiscence of the year of Carchemish, containing the oracle then pronounced against Egypt, and giving words of the larger comfort to Judah. The Book of the prophet Habakkuk, written in this reign, gives expression to the prophetic feeling of doubt and dismay at the unrequited ravages of the Chaldeans against a people more righteous than they, with a sense of the value of steadfast faith and of Yahweh's world-movement and purpose which explains the seeming enormity.
II. Character and Events of His Reign.
The reign of Jehoiakim is not so significant for any personal impress of his upon his time as for the fact that it fell in one of the most momentous epochs of ancient history. By the fall of Nineveh in 606 to the assault of Nebuchadnezzar, then crown prince of the rising Babylonian empire, Assyria, "the rod of (Yahweh's) anger" (Isa 10:5), ended its arrogant and inveterate sway over the nations. Nebuehadnezzar, coming soon after to the Chaldean throne, followed up his victory by a vigorous campaign against Pharaoh-necoh, whom we have seen at the end of Josiah's reign (see underJOSIAH ) advancing toward the Euphrates in his attempt to secure Egyptian dominion over Syria and Mesopotamia. The encounter took place in 605 at Carehemish on the northern Euphrates, where Necoh was defeated and driven back to the borders of his own land, never more to renew his aggressions (2 Ki 24:7). The dominating world-empire was now in the hands of the Chaldeans, "that bitter and hasty nation" (Hab 1:6); the first stage of the movement by which the world's civilization was passing from Semitic to Aryan control. With this world-movement Israel's destiny was henceforth to be intimately involved; the prophets were already dimly aware of it, and were shaping their warnings and promises, as by a Divine instinct, to that end. It was on this larger scale of things that they worked; it had all along been their endeavor, and continued with increasing clearness and fervor, to develop in Israel a conscience and stamina which should be a leavening power for good in the coming great era (compare Isa 2:2-4; Mic 4:1-3).
2. The King's Perverse Character:
Of all these prophetic meanings, however, neither the king nor the ruling classes had the faintest realization; they saw only the political exigencies of the moment. Nor did the king himself, in any patriotic way, rise even to the immediate occasion. As to policy, he was an unprincipled opportunist: vassal to Necoh to whom he owed his throne, until Necoh himself was defeated; enforced vassal to Nebuchadnezzar for 3 years along with the other petty kings of Western Asia; then rebelling against the latt er as soon as he thought he could make anything by it. As to responsibility of administration, he had simply the temper of a despotic self-indulgent Oriental. He raised the immense fine that Necoh imposed upon him by a direct taxation, which he farmed out to unscrupulous officials. He indulged himself with erecting costly royal buildings, employing for the purpose enforced and unpaid labor (Jer 22:13-17); while all just interests of his oppressed subjects went wholly unregarded. As to religion, he let matters go on as they had been under Manasseh, probably introducing also the still more strange and heathenish rites from Egypt and the East of which we see the effects in Ezek 8:5-17. And meanwhile the reformed temple-worship which Josiah had introduced seems to have become a mere formal and perfunctory matter, to which, if we may judge by his conspicuous absence from fast and festal occasions (e.g. Jer 26; 36), the king paid no attention. His impious act of cutting up and burning Jeremiah's roll (Jer 36:23), as also his vindictive pursuit and murder of Uriah for prophesying in the spirit of Jeremiah (26:20-23), reveal his antipathy to any word that does not prophesy "smooth things" (compare Isa 30:10), and in fact a downright perversity to the name and w ill of Yahweh.
With the onset of the Chaldean power, prophecy, as represented in the great seers whose words remain to us, reached a crisis which only time and the consistent sense of its Iarger issues could enable it to weather. Isaiah, in his time, had stood for the inviolability of Zion, and a miraculous deliverance had vindicated his sublime faith. But with Jeremiah, conditions had changed. The idea thus engendered, that the temple was bound to stand and with it Jerusalem, an idea confirmed by Josiah's centralizing reforms, had become a superstition and a presumption (compare Jer 7:4); and Jeremiah had reached the conviction that it, with its wooden rites and glaring abuses, must go: that nothing short of a clean sweep of the old religious fetishes could cure the inveterate unspirituality of the nation. This conviction of his must needs seem to many like an inconsistency--to set prophecy against itself. And when the Chaldean appeared on the scene, his counsel of submission and prediction of captivity would seem a double inconsistency; not only a traversing of a tested prophecy, but treason to the state. This was the situation that he had to encounter; and for it he gave his tender feelings, his liberty, his life. It is in this reign of Jehoiakim that, for the sake of Yahweh's word and purpose, he is engulfed in the deep tragedy of his career. And in this he must be virtually alone. Habakkuk is indeed with him in sympathy; but his vision is not so clear; he must weather disheartening doubts, and" cherish the faith of the righteous (Hab 2:4), and wait until the vision of Yahweh's secret purpose clears (Hab 2:1-3). If the prophets themselves are thus having such an equivocal crisis, we can imagine how forlorn is the plight of Yahweh's "remnant," who are dependent on prophetic faith and courage to guide them through the depths. The humble nucleus of the true Israel, which is some day to be the nation's redeeming element, is undergoing a stern seasoning.
After Syria fell into Nebuchadnezzar's power, he seems to have established his headquarters for some years at Riblah; and after Jehoiada attempted to revolt from his authority, he sent against him guerrilla bands from the neighboring nations, and detachments from his Chaldean garrisons, who harassed him with raids and depredations. In 2 Ch 36:6,7, it is related that Nebuchadnezzar carried some of the vessels of the temple to Babylon and bound the king in fetters to carry him also to Babylon--the latter purpose apparently not carried out. This was in Jehoiada's 4th year. In Dan 1:1,2, though ascribed to Jehoiakim's 3rd year, this same event is related as the result of a siege of Jerusalem. It is ambiguously intimated also that the king was deported; and among "the seed royal and of the nobles" who were of the company were Daniel and his three companions (Dan 1:3,6). The manner of Jehoiakim's death is obscure. It is merely said (2 Ki 24:6) that he "slept with his fathers"; but Josephus (Ant., X, vi, 3) perhaps assuming that Jeremiah's prediction (Jer 22:19) was fulfilled, states that Nebuchadnezzar slew him and cast his body outside the walls unburied.
John Franklin Genung
je-hoi'-a-rib (yehoyaribh, "Yahweh pleads" or "contends"): A priest in Jerusalem (1 Ch 9:10); the name occurs again in 1 Ch 24:7 as the name of a family among. the 24 courses of priests = the family Joiarib (yoyaribh, same meaning as above, Neh 1:2,6), the head of which is Matrenai in Neh 12:19. In Neh 11:10 we should probably read ""Jedaiah and Joiarib" for "Jedaiah the son of Joiarib" (compare 1 Ch 9:10). Jehoiarib = Joarib in 1 Macc 2:1.
je-hon'-a-dab (yehonadhabh, either "Yahweh is noble" or "liberal," or "Yahweh has impelled") = Jonadab (yonadhabh, same meaning):
(1) Jehonadab in the Hebrew of 2 Sam 13:5; but Jonadab in English Versions of the Bible, and in Hebrew and English Versions of the Bible of 13:3,12,35; son of Shimeah, King David's brother. He was friendly with Amnon his cousin, and is said to be "a very shrewd (the Revised Version (British and American) "subtle") man." He planned to get Tamar to wait upon Amnon. Two years after, when Absalom had murdered Amnon, and David had heard that all the king's sons were assassinated, Jehonadab assured him that only Amnon was killed; and his reassuring tone is justified (2 Sam 13:35); possibly he knew of Absalom's intentions. Septuagint, Lucian, has "Jonathan" in 2 Sam 13:3 ff; and in 2 Sam 21:21 parallel 1 Ch 20:7, there is mentioned a son of Shimei (= "Shimca," 1 Ch 2:7 = "Shammah," 1 Sam 16:9), whose name is Jonathan.
See JONATHAN , (4).
(2) Jehonadab in 2 Ki 10:15,23; in Hebrew of Jer 35:8,14,16,18 = Jonadab in Jer 35:6,10,19, and English Versions of the Bible of 35:8,14,16,18, "son" of Rechab, of the Kenite clan (1 Ch 2:55). Jehonadab is described in 2 Ki 10 as an ally of Jehu in the olition of Baal-worship in Samaria. Jehu met him after slaying the son of Ahab (10:15); the second part of the verse should probably be translated "And he greeted him and said to him, Is thy heart upright (with me) as my heart is with thee? And Jehonadab answered, Yes. Then spake Jehu (so the Septuagint), If so, give me thy hand. In Jer 35 (where English Versions of the Bible has Jonadab throughout), he is called the "father" of the Rechabites, who derived from him their ordinances for their nomadic life and abstention from wine.
See RECHAB ,RECHABITES .
David Francis Roberts
je-hon'-a-than (yehonathan, "Yahweh has given"): The name is the same as Jonathan: the Hebrew has the two forms for the same person sometimes; sometimes only one is found. See JONATHAN . The form "Jehonathan" occurs as follows in English Versions of the Bible:
(1) A Levite who took part in teaching the Torah in the cities of Judah under Jehoshaphat (2 Ch 17:8 English Versions of the Bible and Hebrew).
(2) Head of the priestly family of Shemaiah (Neh 12:18 English Versions of the Bible and Hebrew).
(3) the King James Version and Hebrew in 1 Ch 27:25; See JONATHAN , (7).
je-ho'-ram, written also in the abbreviated form, (yehoram, yoram, "Yahweh is high"; the Revised Version (British and American) retains "Joram" for Hebrew yehoram in 2 Ki 9:15-24):
(1) Ninth king of Israel (2 Ki 1:17 through 9:28), son of Ahab and Jezebel, successor to his brother Ahaziah, who died childless. He began to reign 853 BC, and reigned 12 years (2 Ki 3:1; 8:16).
The statement in 2 Ki 1:17, "the second year of Jehoram," follows a system of chronology common to the Lucian group of manuscripts, in which the 1st year of Jehoshaphat falls in the 11th year of Omri; the 24th year of Jehoshaphat in the 1st year of Ahaziah; and the 1st year of Jehoram in the 2nd year of Jehoram of Judah. The double chronology (2 Ki 1:17 and 2 Ki 3:1) is due to the intention of the compiler of Kings to refer all the acts of Elisha to the reign of Jehoram, thus dislocating the order of events in that reign. Elisha, however, survived Jehoram many years, and it is possible that some of the events are to be referred to subsequent reigns.
It is difficult to estimate the religious character of Jehoram. Apparently the fierce fanaticism of Jezebel and the boldness of Ahab reappear in the son in the form of duplicity and superstition. The attempt of Jezebel to substitute Baal for Yahweh had failed. The people were on the side of Yahweh. Otherwise Jehu could not have carried out his bloody reform. All the worshippers of Baal in the land could be gathered into one temple of Baal (2 Ki 10:18 ff). Evidently Jehoram feared the people. Accordingly he posed as a reformer by putting away the pillar of Baal (2 Ki 3:2), while secretly he worshipped Baal (2 Ki 3:13a). Nevertheless, when he got into straits, he expected to receive the help of Yahweh (2 Ki 3:13b). He had not learned that a dual nature is as impossible as a union of Baal and Yahweh.
Immediately upon his accession, Jehoram came into conflict with Mesha, king of Moab (2 Ki 3:4 ff). The account of the conflict is of special interest because of the supplementary information concerning Mesha furnished by the Moabite Stone. There we learn (ll. 1-8) that Moab became tributary to Israel in the days of Omri, and remained so for forty years, but that it rebelled in the days of Ahab. This probably brings us to the statement in 2 Ki 3:4 ff that Mesha "rendered unto the king of Israel the wool f a hundred thousand lambs, and of a hundred thousand rams," and that "when Ahab was dead, .... the king of Moab rebelled against the king of Israel." The victories of Mesha, glorified by the Moabite Stone, possibly took place before the events of 2 Ki 3:4 ff. Accordingly, Jehoram resolved to recover the allegiance of the Moabites. He called to his aid the ally of his father, Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, and the latter's vassal, the king of Edom. Jehoram was entertained at Jerusalem (Josephus, Ant, IX, ii i, 1). The allies marched against Moab by the longer route, around the southern end of the Dead Sea, indicating that Moab was fortified against attack from the West, and that Israel was weak in the East Jordan country. After the allies had been miraculousl y delivered from perishing for lack of water, they devastated the land and sacked the cities, and finally they succeeded in shutting up Mesha in Kir-hareseth. Driven to despair, Mesha offered his eldest son upon the wall as a burnt offering to Chemosh. This seems to have caused the tide to turn, for "there was great wrath against Israel," and the allies returned to their own land, apparently having failed to secure a lasting advantage.
Assuming that 2 Ki 4 through 8 belong to the reign of Jehoram, it appears that the Syrians made frequent incursions into the land of Israel, perhaps more in the nature of plundering robber bands than invasions by a regular army (2 Ki 6). Finally, however, Ben-had in person invaded the country and besieged Samaria. The inhabitants were reduced to horrible straits by famine, when the oppressors took sudden flight and Israel was saved. In the years 849, 848, and 845, Shalmaneser II invaded Syria. It is probable that during this period Jehoram recovered Ramoth-gilead, which had fallen to Syria under Ahab. Hazael succeeded Ben-hadad as ruler of Syria, and his first act, after having murdered his predecessor, was to regain Ramoth-gilead. In the defense of the city, Jehoram, who was assisted by his nephew, Ahaziah, was wounded, and returned to Jezreel to be healed of his wounds.
Jehoram left the army at Ramoth-gilead under the command of Jehu, a popular captain of the host. While Jehoram was at Jezreel, Elisha sent a prophet to anoint Jehu as king of Israel. Jehu had been a witness of the dramatic scene when Elijah hurled the curse of Yahweh at Ahab for his crime against Naboth. Jehu at once found in himself the instrument to bring the curse to fulfillment. Accordingly, he conspired his crime against Jehoram With a company of horsemen he proceeded to Jezreel, where Ahaziah was visiting his sick uncle, Jehoram. Jehoram suspected treachery, and, in company with Ahaziah, he rode out to meet Jehu. On his question, "Is it peace, Jehu?" he received a brutal reply that no longer left him in doubt as to the intention of the conspirator. As Jehoram turned to flee, Jehu drew his bow and shot him in the back so that the arrow pierced his heart. His dead body was thrown into the plat of ground that had belonged to Naboth.
(2) King of Judah, son of Jehoshaphat (2 Ki 8:16-24; 2 Ch 21:1-20), he began to rule about 849 and reigned 8 years. With reference to the chronological difficulty introduced by 2 Ki 1:17, see (1) above.
In the beginning of the reigns of Ahab and Jehoshaphat, an attempt was made to end the old feud between Israel and Judah. At the suggestion of Ahab, the two kingdoms, for the first time, joined forces against the common foe from the North, the Syrians. To seal the alliance, Athaliah, daughter of Jezebel and Ahab, was married to Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat. Thus Jehoram was brother-in-law to (1) above. No doubt this was considered as a master stroke of conciliatory policy by the parties interested. However, it proved disastrous for Judah. Beyond a doubt, the unholy zeal of Jezebel included the Baalizing of Judah as well as of Israel. This marriage was a step in that direction.
"A man shall leave his father and his mother, and shall cleave unto his wife." Jehoram did so. "He walked in the ways of the kings of Israel, as did the house of Ahab" (2 Ki 8:18). According to 2 Ch 21:11,13, Jehoram not only accepted the religion of Athaliah, but he became a persecutor, compelling the inhabitants of Jerusalem and of the land to become apostates.
Because of his gross idolatry and his wickedness, he is said (2 Ch 21:12 ff) to have received a denunciatory letter from the prophet Elijah, which, however, had no effect on him. But this leads to a chronological difficulty. Was Elijah still alive? The inference from 2 Ki 3:11 is that he was not. Then, too, the Chronicler otherwise never mentions Elijah. Oettli is of the opinion that one should either read "Elisha" for "Elijah," or else consider the letter to have been the conception of a later writer, who felt that Elijah must have taken note of the wickedness of Jehoram and his wife, Athaliah, daughter of Ahab. In the latter event, the letter might be called a haggadic Midrash.
A man's religion cannot be divorced from his character. Baalism had in it the elements of tyranny and civic unrighteousness. In keeping with his religion, and in true oriental fashion, Jehoram began his reign by murdering his brothers, and other princes of the land, to whom Jehoshaphat had given valuable gifts and responsible positions. The only event belonging to his reign recorded in Kings is the revolt of Edom.
Edom was subdued by David, and, probably with the exception of a temporary revolt under Solomon (1 Ki 11:14 ff), it had remained subject to the united kingdom or to Judah until the revolt under Jehoram The text is somewhat obscure, but both accounts indicate that the expedition of Jehoram against Edom ended in failure. In the account we are told that at the same time Libnah revolted.
Perhaps the revolt of Libnah should be taken in connection with the invasion of the Philistines and of the Arabians, mentioned in 2 Ch 21. Libnah was located on the south-western border of Judah. Since it was a border city, it is possible that the compiler of Kings considered it as belonging to Philistia. In the account in Chronicles, Jehoram is represented as having lost all his possessions and all his family, save Jehoahaz, the youngest of his sons, when the town was sacked and the palace plundered by the invading force of Philistines and Arabians. The account appears to be based upon reliable sources.
In his last days, he was afflicted with a frightful disease in the bowels. His death was unregretted, and his burial without honor. Contrast, however, 2 Ki 8:24 with 2 Ch 21:20. Ahaziah, also called Jehoahaz, his younger son, then became king in his stead.
S. K. Mosiman
je-ho-shab'-e-ath (yehoshabh`ath, "Yahweh is an oath"): In 2 Ch 22:11 = JEHOSHEBA (which see) Compare 2 Ki 11:2.
je-hosh'-a-fat (yehoshaphaT, "Yahweh has judged"):
(1) King of Judah. See separate article.
(2) Son of Ahilud. He was recorder under David (2 Sam 8:16; 20:24; 1 Ch 18:15) and Solomon (1 Ki 4:3).
(3) Son of Paruah, and Solomon's overseer in Issachar to provide victuals for the royal household for one month of the year (1 Ki 4:17).
(4) Son of Nimshi, and father of Jehu, king of Northern Israel (2 Ki 9:2,14). His name is omitted in 9:20 and 1 Ki 19:16, where Jehu is called "son of Nimshi."
(5) the King James Version (but not Hebrew) in 1 Ch 15:24; the Revised Version (British and American) correctly JOSHAPHAT (which see).
David Francis Roberts
je-hosh'-a-fat (yehoshaphaT, "Yahweh judges"): The 4th king of Judah, son of Asa. His mother was Azubah, the daughter of Shilhi, of whom nothing further is known. He was 35 years of age at his accession, and reigned 25 years, circa 873-849 BC. Th e history of his reign is contained in 1 Ki 22:41-50 and in 2 Ch 17:1 through 21:1. The narrative in 1 Ki 22:1-35a and in 2 Ki 3:4 ff belongs to the history of the Northern Kingdom. The absence from Ki of the details contained in 2 Chronicles affords no presumpt against their truth. Neither do high numbers, embellished statements, and the coloring of the writer's own age destroy the historical perspective.
The reign of Jehoshaphat appears to have been one of unusual religious activity. It was, however, characterized not so much by striking religious measures as it was by the religious spirit that pervaded every act of the king, who sought the favor of Yahweh in every detail of his life (2 Ch 17:3,4). He evidently felt that a nation's character is determined by its religion. Accordingly, he made it his duty to purify the national worship. The "sodomites," i.e. those who practiced immorality in the worsh ip of Yahweh in the temple precincts, were banished from the land (1 Ki 22:46). The Asherim were taken out of Judah (2 Ch 17:6; 19:3), and "the people from Beer-sheba to the hill-country of Ephraim were brought back unto Yahweh, the God of their fathers" (2 Ch 19:4). Because of his zeal for Yahweh, Jehoshaphat is rewarded with power and "riches and honor in abundance" (2 Ch 17:5).
2. His System of Public Instruction:
Believing that religion and morals, the civilization, suffer from ignorance, Jehoshaphat introduced a system of public instruction for the whole land (2 Ch 17:7 ff). He appointed a commission, composed of princes, Levites and priests, to go from city to city to instruct the people. Their instruction was to be based on the one true foundation of sound morals and healthy religious life, "the book of the law of Yahweh" (2 Ch 17:7-9).
Next in importance to Jehoshaphat's system of public instruction, was his provision for the better administration of justice. He appointed judges to preside over courts of common pleas, which he established in all the fortified cities of Judah. In addition to these local courts, two courts of appeal, an ecclesiastical and a civil court, were established at Jerusalem to be presided over by priests, Levites, and leading nobles as judges. At the head of the ecclesiastical court of appeal was the high priest, and a layman, "the ruler of the house of Judah," headed the civil court of appeal (2 Ch 19:4-11). The insistence that a judge was to be in character like Yahweh, with whom there is "no iniquity .... nor respect of persons, nor taking of bribes" (2 Ch 19:7), is worthy of note.
According to 2 Ch 17:2, Jehoshaphat began his reign with defensive measures against Israel. Furthermore, he built castles and cities of store in the land of Judah, "and he had many works," probably military supplies, "in the cities of Judah" (17:13). He appears to have had a large standing army, including cavalry (1 Ki 22:4; 2 Ch 17:14 ff). However, the numbers in 2 Ch 17:14 ff seem to be impossibly high.
Godliness and security at home were followed by respect and peace abroad. The fact that the Philistines and the Arabians brought tribute (2 Ch 17:11), and that Edom had no king (1 Ki 22:47), but a deputy instead, who possibly was appointed by Jehoshaphat, would indicate that he held the suzerainty over the nations and tribes bordering Judah on the South and West Holding the suzerainty over the weaker nations, and being allied with the stronger, Jehoshaphat secured the peace for the greater part of his reign (1 Ch 17:10) that fostered the internal development of the kingdom.
In contrast to the former kings of Judah, Jehoshaphat saw greater benefit in an alliance with Israel than in civil war. Accordingly, the old feud between the two kingdoms (1 Ki 14:30; 15:6) was dropped, and Jehoshaphat made peace with Israel (1 Ki 22:44). The political union was cemented by the marriage of Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat, to Athaliah, daughter of Ahab and Jezebel. Shortly after the marriage, Jehoshaphat joined Ahab in a campaign against Syria (2 Ch 18:1-3). In view of the subordinate position that Jehoshaphat seems to take in the campaign (1 Ki 22:4,30), and in view of the military service rendered to Jehoram (2 Ki 3:4 ff), Judah seems to have become a dependency of Israel. Nevertheless, the union may have contributed to the welfare and prospity of Judah, and it may have enabled Jehoshaphat to hold the suzerainty over the neighboring nations. However, the final outcome of the alliance with the house of Omri was disastrous for Judah. The introduction into Judah of Baalism more than counterbalanced any political and material advantage gained, and in the succeeding reigns it indirectly led to the almost total extinction of the royal family of Judah (2 Ki 11:1 ff).
In spite of the denunciation of the prophet Jehu for his expedition with Ahab, thus "help(ing) the wicked" (2 Ch 19:2), Jehoshaphat entered into a similar alliance with Jehoram of Israel (2 Ki 3:4 ff). On the invitation of Jehoram to join him in an expedition against Moab, Jehoshaphat was ready with the same set speech of acceptance as in the case of Ahab (2 Ki 3:7; compare 1 Ki 22:4). For the details of the expedition See JEHORAM , (1).
8. Victory over the Moabites and Ammonites:
The Chronicler has given us a very remarkable account of a victory gained by Jehoshaphat over the Moabites and Ammonites. No doubt he made use of a current historical Midrash. Many find the historical basis of the Midrash in the events recorded in 2 Ki 3:4 ff. However, the localities are different, and there a defeat is recorded, while in this case we have a victory. The story in outline bears the stamp of probability. 1 Ki 22:45 seems to suggest wars of Jehoshaphat that are not mentioned in Kings. The tribes mentioned in the account are represented as trying to make permanent settlement in Judah (2 Ch 20:11). In their advance through the South of Judah, they were doubtless harassed by the shepherd population of the country. Jehoshaphat, according to his custom, sought the help of Yahweh. The invading forces fell to quarreling among themselves (2 Ch 20:23), and destroyed one another. The spoil was great because the invaders had brought all their goods with them, expecting to remain in the land.
9. Destruction of Jehoshaphat's Fleet:
The destruction of Jehoshaphat's fleet is recorded in 1 Ki 22:48,49 and in 2 Ch 20:35-37. However, the two accounts are quite different. According to Kings, Jehoshaphat built ships of Tarshish to sail to Ophir for gold, but the vessels were wrecked at zion-geber. Thereupon Ahaziah offered to assist Jehoshaphat with seamen, but Jehoshaphat refused to enter into the alliance. According to Chronicles the alliance had been formed, and together they built ships at Ezion-geber, which were destroyed because Jehoshaphat had made an alliance with the wicked king of Israel. In view of Jehoshaphat's other alliances, the Chronicler may be in the right. Chronicles, however, misunderstood the term "ships of Tarshish."
Jehoshaphat died at the age of 60. Josephus says (Ant., IX, iii, 2) that he was buried in a magnificent manner, for he had imitated the actions of David. The kingdom was left to Jehoram, who inaugurated the beginning of his reign by causing the massacre of his brethren.
S. K. Mosiman
(`emeq yehoshaphaT); the latter word means "Yahweh judgeth," and `emeq, "wide," "open valley"; Septuagint he koilas Iosaphat): The name is used in Joel 3:2,12 of the scene of Judgment: "Let the nations bestir themselves, and come up to the valley of Jehoshaphat; for there will I sit to judge all the nations round about" (Joel 3:12). "The valley of decision" (or "sharp judgment") is another name the prophet gives to this spot (Joel 3:14). Some have identified it with the valley (`emeq) of BERACAH (which see) of 2 Ch 20:26, where King Jehoshaphat obtained a great victory, but this is improbable.
Since the 4th century AD the KIDRON (which see) valley has been named the Valley of Jehoshaphat. The tradition is now strongest among the Moslems who point out the exact scene of the Judgment; the Bridge As Sirat, dividing heaven and hell, is to stretch across this valley from the Charam area to the Mount of Olives. It is, however, the ambition of every pious Jew to be buried on the slopes of this valley, to be at hand at the resurrection. This, too, was an ordinary place for Jewish graves in preexilic times (2 Ki 23:6, etc.). The valley today, especially that part adjacent to the temple, is crowded with Moslem and Jewish graves. A worthless tradition indicates the tomb of Jehoshaphat himself close to the so-called "Pillar of Absalom." Se KING'S VALE. There is not the slightest reason for believing that this is the spot referred to by Joel--indeed he may have spoken of an ideal spot only. The valley of the Kidron is a nachal ("ravine"), not an `emeq ("broad valley"). It is impos sible not to suspect that there is some connection between the name Jehoshaphat and the name of a village near the head of this valley--Shaphat; perhaps at one time it was Wady Shaphat, which name would readily suggest the traditional one.
See GEHENNA .
E. W. G. Masterman
je-hosh'-e-ba, je-ho-she'-ba (yehoshebha`, "Yahweh is an oath"): Called "Jehoshabeath" in 2 Ch 22:11; daughter of Jehoram king of Judah, possibly by a wife other than Athaliah (2 Ki 11:2). According to 2 Ch 22:11, she was the wife of Jehoiada, the priest. She hid Jehoash, the young son of King Ahaziah, and so saved his life from Queen Athaliah.
je-hosh'-u-a (yehoshua`, "Yahweh is deliverance," or "is opulence"): The usual Hebrew form of the name "Joshua"; it occurs in the King James Version of Nu 13:16 (the American Standard Revised Version "Hoshea"); and in some editions of the King James Version in 1 Ch 7:27, where others have the form "Jehoshuah" (h being wrongly added at the end).
See JOSHUA .
je-ho'-va, je-ho'-va.
See SERVANT OF JEHOVAH .
je-ho'-va-ji'-re (yahweh yir'-eh, "Yahweh sees"): The name given by Abraham to the place where he had sacrificed a ram provided by God, instead of his son Isaac (Gen 22:14). The meaning plainly is that the Lord sees and provides for the necessities of His servants. There is an allusion to Gen 22:8 where Abraham says, "God will provide himself (the Revised Version, margin "will see for himself") the lamb for a burnt offering." The verse (22:14 the King James Version) goes on to connect the incident with the popular proverb, "In the mount of the Lord it shall be seen" (the Revised Version (British and American) "provided"), the Revised Version margin suggests "he shall be seen." "The mount of Yahweh" in other places denotes the temple hill at Jerusalem (Ps 24:3; Isa 2:3, etc.). With changes of the punctuation very different readings have been suggested. According to Swete's text: "And Abraham called the name of that place (the) `Lord saw' (aorist) in order that they may say today: `In the mountain (the) Lord was seen'" (aorist). Septuagint reads, "In the mountain Yahweh seeth," or "will see." If there is merely a verbal connection between the clauses we should most naturally read, "In the mount of Yahweh one is seen (appears)," i.e. men, people, appear--the reference being to the custom of visiting the temple at pilgrimages (Driver, HDB, under the word). But if the connection of the proverb with the name "Yahweh-jireh" depends on the double sense of the word "see," then the best explanation may be, Yahweh sees the needs of those who come to worship before Him on Zion, and there "is seen," i.e. reveals Himself to them by answering their prayers and supplying their wants. His "seeing," in other words, takes practical effect in a "being seen" (ibid.).
W. Ewing
je-ho'-va nis'-i (yahweh nicci, "Yahweh is my banner"): So Moses named the altar which he reared to signalize the defeat of the Amalekites by Israel under Joshua, at Rephidim (Ex 17:15). Septuagint translates "the Lord my refuge," deriving nicci from nuc, "to flee." Targum Onkelos reads, "Moses built an altar and worshipped on it before Yahweh, who had wrought for him miracles" (niccin). The suggestion is that the people should rally round God as an army gathers round its standard. He it is who leads them to victory.
je-ho'-va sha'-lom (yahweb shalom, "Yahweh is peace"): This was the name given by Gideon to the altar he built at Ophra, in allusion to the word spoken to him by the Lord, "Peace be unto thee" (Jdg 6:24). It is equivalent to "Yahweh is well disposed."
je-ho'-va sham'-a (yahweh shammah, "Yahweh is there"): The name to be given to the new Jerusalem, restored and glorified, as seen in the vision of Ezek (48:35 margin; compare Rev 21:3). Yahweh returns to the temple which He had forsaken, and from that time forward the fact of supreme importance is that He is there, dwelling in the midst of His people.
je-ho'-va tsid-ke'-nu, tsid'-ke-nu (yahweh tsidhqenu, "Yahweh (is) our righteousness"): The symbolic name given (1) to the king who is to reign over the restored Israel (Jer 23:6); (2) to the state or capital (Jer 33:16).
je-hoz'-a-bad (yehozabhadh, "Yahweh has bestowed"):
(1) A servant of King Jehoash of Judah. According to 2 Ki 12:21 (22), he was a son of Shomer, but 2 Ch 24:26 makes him "son of Shimrith the Moabitess."
(2) A Korahite doorkeeper, son of Obed-edom (1 Ch 26:4).
(3) A Benjamite, one of King Jehoshaphat's warriors (2 Ch 17:18).
je-hoz'-a-dak (yehotsadhaq, "Yahweh is righteous"): Priest at the time of the captivity under Nebuchadrezzar (1 Ch 6:14,15 (Hebrew 5:40,41)). He was the father of Joshua (Jeshua) the priest (Hag 1:1,12,14; 2:2,4; Zec 6:11). the King James Version has Josedech in Hag and Zec. Same as "Jozadak" (yotsadhaq, same meaning) in Ezr 3:2,8; 5:2; 10:18; Neh 12:26; and = "Josedek" (King James Version "Josedec") of 1 Esdras 5:5,48,56; 6:2; 9:19; Sirach 49:12.
je'-hu (yehu; meaning uncertain, perhaps "Yahweh is he"; 1 Ki 19:16,17; 2 Ki 9; 10; Eiou): Son of Jehoshaphat, and descendant of Nimshi, hence, commonly called "the son of Nimshi"; 10th king of Israel, and founder of its IVth Dynasty. Jehu reign for 28 years. His accession may be reckoned at circa 752 BC (some date a few years later).
A soldier of fortune, Jehu appears first as an officer in the body-guard of Ahab. To himself we owe the information that he was present at the judicial murder of Naboth, and that Naboth's sons were put to death with their father (2 Ki 9:26). He was in attendance when Ahab drove from Samaria to inspect his new possession in Jezreel, and was witness of the dramatic encounter at the vineyard between the king and the prophet Elijah (compare 1 Ki 21:16 ff). Years after, Jehu reminded Bidkar, his captain (literally, "thirdsman," in chariot), of the doom they had there heard pronounced upon Ahab and his house (2 Ki 9:25 ff). It was in fulfillment of this doom that Jehu at that time ordered the body of the slain Jehoram to be thrown into the enclosure which had once been Naboth's (2 Ki 9:26). Ahab's temporary repentance averted the punishment from himself for a few years (1 Ki 21:27-29), but the blow fell at the battle of Ramoth-gilead, and Jehu would not be unmindful of the prophet's words as he beheld the dogs licking Ahab's blood as they washed his chariot "by the pool of Samaria" (1 Ki 22:38).
2. Jehoram at Ramoth-gilead and Jezreel:
A different fate awaited Ahab's two sons. The elder, Ahaziah, died, after a short reign, from the effects of an accident (2 Ki 1). He was succeeded by his brother Jehoram, who toward the close of his reign of 12 years (2 Ki 3:1) determined on an attempt to recover Ramoth-gilead, where his father had been fatally stricken, from Hazael, of Syria. Ramoth-gilead was taken (2 Ki 9:14), but in the attack the Israelite king was severely wounded, and was taken to Jezreel to be healed of his wounds (2 Ki 9:15). The city meanwhile was left in charge of Jehu and his fellow-captains. At Jezreel he was visited by Ahaziah, of Judah, who had taken part with him in the war (2 Ki 8:28,29; 9:16).
The time was now ripe for the execution of the predicted vengeance on the house of Ahab, and to Elisha the prophet, the successor of Elijah, it fell to take the decisive step which precipitated the crisis. Hazael and Jehu had already been named to Elijah as the persons who were to execute the Divine judgment, the one as king of Syria, the other as king of Israel (1 Ki 19:15-17). Elijah was doubtless aware of this commission, which it was now his part, as respected Jehu, to fulfill. A messenger was hastily dispatched to Ramoth-gilead, with instructions to seek out Jehu, take him apart, anoint him king of Israel in Yahweh's name, and charge him with the task of utterly destroying the house of Ahab in punishment for the righteous blood shed by Ahab and Jezebel. The messenger was then to flee. This was done, and Jehu, the sacred oil poured on his head, found himself alone with this appalling trust committed to him (2 Ki 9:1-10).
4. The Revolution--Death of Jehoram:
Events now moved rapidly. Jehu's companions were naturally eager to know what had happened, and on learning that Jehu had been anointed king, they at once improvised a throne by throwing their garments on the top of some steps, blew the trumpet, and proclaimed, "Jehu is king." Not a moment was lost. No one was permitted to leave the city to carry forth tidings, and Jehu himself, with characteristic impetuosity, set out, with a small body of horsemen, in his chariot to Jezreel. Bidkar was there as charioteer (2 Ki 9:25). As they came within sight of the city, a watchman reported their advance, and messengers were sent to inquire as to their errand. These were ordered to fall into the rear. This conduct awakened suspicion, and Jehoram and Ahaziah--who was still with his invalided kinsman--ordered their chariots, and proceeded in person to meet Jehu. The companies met at the ill-omened field of Naboth, and there the first stroke of vengeance fell. The anxious query, "Is it peace?" was answered by a storm of denunciation from Jehu, and on Jehoram turning to flee, an arrow from Jehu's powerful bow shot him through the heart, and he sank dead in his chariot. Ahaziah likewise was pursued, and smitten "at the ascent of Gur, which is by Ibleam." He died at Megiddo, and was taken to Jerusalem for burial in the sepulcher of the kings (2 Ki 9:11-28). A somewhat variant account of Ahaziah's death is given in 2 Ch 22:9. It is possible that Jehu came to Megiddo or its neighborhood, and had to do with his end there.
The slaughter of Jehoram was at once followed by that of the chief instigator of all the crimes for which the house of Ahab suffered--the queen-mother Jezebel. Hot from the pursuit of Ahaziah, Jehu pressed on Jezreel. Jezebel, now an aged woman, but still defiant, had painted and attired herself, and, looking from her window, met him as he drove into the palace court, with the insulting question, "Is it peace, thou Zimri, thy master's murderer?" (compare 1 Ki 16:9-12). Jehu's answer was an appeal for aid from those within. Two or three eunuchs of the palace gave signs of their concurrence. These, at Jehu's bidding, threw Jezebel down into the courtyard, where, lying in her blood, she was trodden under foot by the chariot horses. When, a little later, her remains were sought for burial, she was found to have been almost wholly devoured by the dogs--a lurid commentary on Elijah's earlier threatening, which was now recalled (2 Ki 9:30-37). Jehu was an intrepid minister of judgment, but the pitiless zeal, needless cruelty, and, afterward, deceit, with which he executed his mission, withdraw our sympathy from him, as it did that of a later prophet (Hos 1:4).
6. Slaughter of Ahab's Descendants:
The next acts of Jehu reveal yet more clearly his thoroughness of purpose and promptitude of action, while they afford fresh exhibitions of his ruthlessness and unscrupulousness of spirit. Samaria was the capital of the kingdom, and headquarters of the Baal-worship introduced by Jezebel, though it is recorded of Jehoram that he had removed, at least temporarily, an obelisk of Baal which his father had set up (2 Ki 3:2; compare 10:26). The city was still held for the house of Ahab, and 70 of Ahab's "son"--to be taken here in the large sense of male descendants--resided in it (2 Ki 10:1,6). Jehu here adopted a bold and astute policy. He sent letters to Samaria challenging those in authority to set up one of their master's sons as king, and fight for the city and the kingdom. The governors knew well that they could make no effective resistance to Jehu, and at once humbly tendered their submission. Jehu, in a second message, bade them prove their sincerity by delivering to him the heads of the 70 princes of Ahab's house in baskets. This they did, by their act irrevocably committing themselves to Jehu's cause (2 Ki 10:9). The ghastly relics were piled up in two heaps at the gate of Jezreel--a horrible object lesson to any still inclined to hesitate in their allegiance. Friends and partisans of the royal house shared the fate of its members (2 Ki 10:11).
7. Slaughter of Ahaziah's Brethren:
Apart from the faultiness in the agent's motive, the deeds now recounted fell within the letter of Jehu's commission. As much cannot be said of the deeds of blood that follow. Jehu had killed Ahaziah, king of Judah. Now, on his way to Samaria, he met a company of 42 persons, described as "brethren of Ahaziah"--evidently blood-relations of various degrees, as Ahaziah's own brethren had been earlier slain by the Arabians (2 Ch 21:17; 22:1)--and, on learning who they were, and of their purpose to visit their kinsfolk at Jezreel, gave orders that they be slain on the spot, and their bodies ignominiously thrown into the pit (or "cistern") of the shearing-house where he had encountered them. It was a cruel excess for which no sufficient justification can be pleaded (2 Ki 10:12-14).
8. Massacre of the Worshippers of Baal:
Still less can the craft and violence be condoned by which, when he reached Samaria, Jehu evinced his "zeal for Yahweh" (2 Ki 10:16) in the extirpation of the worshippers of Baal. Jehu had secured on his side the support of a notable man--Jehonadab the son of Rechab (2 Ki 10:15,16; compare Jer 35:6-19)--and his entrance into Samaria was signalized by further slaying of all adherents of Ahab. Then, doubtless to the amazement of many, Jehu proclaimed himself an enthusiastic follower of Baal. A great festival was organized, to which all prophets, worshippers, and priests of Baal were invited from every part of Israel. Jehu himself took the leading part in the sacrifice (2 Ki 10:25). Vestments were distributed to distinguish the true worshippers of Baal from others. Then when all were safely gathered into "the house of Baal," the gates were closed, and 80 soldiers were sent in to massacre the whole deluded company in cold blood. None escaped. The temple of Baal was broken up. Thus, indeed, "Jehu destroyed Baal out of Israel" (2 Ki 10:28), but at what a frightful cost of falsehood and treacherous dealing! (2 Ki 10:18-28).
The history of Jehu in the Bible is chiefly the history of his revolution as now narrated. His reign itself is summed up in a few verses, chiefly occupied with the attacks made by Hazael, king of Syria, on the trans-Jordanic territories of Israel (2 Ki 10:32,33). These districts were overrun, and remained lost to Israel till the reign of Jehu's great-grandson, Jeroboam II (2 Ki 14:28).
It is in another direction, namely, to the annals of Assyria, we have to look for any further information we possess on the reign of Jehu In these annals, fortunately, some interesting notices are preserved. In 854 BC was fought the great battle of Qarqar (a place between Aleppo and Hamath), when Shalmaneser II, king of Assyria, defeated a powerful combination formed against him (Damascus, Hamath, Philistia Ammon, etc.). Among the allies on this occasion is mentioned "Ahabbu of Sir'-ilaa," who took the third place with 2,000 chariots and 10,000 footmen. There is a difficulty in supposing Ahab to have been still reigning as late as 854, and Wellhausen, Kamphausen and others have suggested that Ahab's name has been confused with that of his successor Jehoram in the Assyrian annals. Kittel, in his History of the Hebrews (II, 233, English translation) is disposed to accept this view. G. Smith, in his Assyrian Eponym Canon (179), is of the opinion that the tribute lists were often carelessly compiled and in error as to names. The point of interest is that from this time Israel was evidently a tributary of Assyria.
With this accord the further notices of Israel in the inscriptions of Shalmaneser II, two in number. Both belong to the year 842 BC and relate to Jehu. On Shalmaneser's Black Obelisk is a pictorial representation of "the tribute of Jehu, son of Omri." An ambassador kneels before the conqueror, and presents his gifts. They include silver, gold, a gold cup, gold vessels, a golden ladle, lead, a staff for the king's hand, scepters. An allusion to the same event occurs in the annals of Shalmaneser's campaign against Hazael of Syria in this year. "At that time I received the tribute of the Tyrians, Sidonians, of Jehu, son of Omri."
There are some indications that in his latter years, which were clouded with misfortune, Jehu associated with himself his son Jehoahaz in the government (compare 2 Ki 13:1,10, where Jehoahaz comes to the throne in the 23rd, and dies in the 37th year of Jehoash of Judah--14 years--yet has a total reign of 17 years). Jehu is not mentioned in Chronicles, except incidentally in connection with the death of Ahaziah (2 Ch 22:9), and as the grandfather of Jehoash (2 Ch 25:17).
The character of Jehu is apparent from the acts recorded of him. His energy, determination, promptitude, and zeal fitted him for the work he had to do. It was rough work, and was executed with relentless thoroughness. Probably gentler measures would have failed to eradicate Baal-worship from Israel. His impetuosity was evinced in his furious driving (2 Ki 9:20). He was bold, daring, unscrupulous, and masterful and astute in his policy. But one seeks in vain in his character for any touch of magnanimity, or of the finer qualities of the ruler. His "zeal for Yahweh" was too largely a cloak for merely worldly ambition. The bloodshed in which his rule was rounded early provoked a reaction, and his closing years were dark with trouble. He is specially condemned for tolerating the worship of the golden calves (2 Ki 10:29-31). Nevertheless the throne was secured to his dynasty for four generations (2 Ki 10:30; compare 15:12).
W. Shaw Caldecott
je-hub'-a (yechubbah, meaning unknown): A descendant of Asher, mentioned in 1 Ch 7:34, where Qere is wechubbah, "and Hubbah," but Kethibh is yachbah; the Septuagint's Codex Vaticanus follows the Qere.
je-hu'-kal (yechukhal, probably meaning "Yahweh is able"): A courtier sent by King Zedekiah to Jeremiah to ask the prophet to pray for the king and the people (Jer 37:3). Most versions except Septuagint, with Jer 38:1, have "Jucal" ( yukhal, same meaning).
je'-hud (yehudh): A town in the lot of Dan named between Baalath and Bene-berak (Josh 19:45). The only possible identification seems to be with el-Yehudiyeh, which lies about 8 miles East of Jaffa.
je-hu'-di (yehudhi, properly "a Jew"): An officer of King Jehoiakim (Jer 36:14,21,23). He was sent by the princes to summon Baruch to read the roll containing Jeremiah's prophecies to them; he afterward read them to the king, who destroyed them. His name is noteworthy, as also is that of his grandfather Cushi (i.e. "Ethiopian"), and the two are said to point to a foreign origin.
je-hu-di'-ja (1 Ch 4:18 the King James Version).
See HA-JEHUDIJAH .
je-hu'-el (Kethibh yechu'el; but Qere yechi'-el, i.e. "Jehiel" the King James Version, in 2 Ch 29:14): A Levite.
See JEHIEL , (5).
je'-hush (1 Ch 8:39).
See JEUSH , (3).
je-i'-el (ye`i'el, meaning unknown):
(1) A Reubenite (1 Ch 5:7).
(2) In 1 Ch 8:29, added in the Revised Version (British and American) from 9:35, where Kethibh is "Jeuel," an ancestor of King Saul; the King James Version "Jehiel."
(3) One of David's mighty men (1 Ch 11:44). the King James Version is "Jehiel"; Kethibh is "Jeuel."
(4) A Levite, keeper of the ark with Obed-edom (1 Ch 15:18,21; 16:5; 2 Ch 20:14), called "Jehiah" in 1 Ch 15:24.
(5) A Levite (1 Ch 16:5) = "Jaaziel" of 1 Ch 15:18 (which see).
(6) A scribe under King Uzziah (2 Ch 26:11).
(7) A chief of the Levites, present at King Josiah's great Passover feast (2 Ch 35:9).
(8) One of those who had married foreign wives (Ezr 10:43) = "Juel" in 1 Esdras 9:35.
(9) the King James Version in 2 Ch 29:14; See JEHIEL , (5).
(10) the King James Version in Ezr 8:13; See JEUEL , (3).
David Francis Roberts
je-kab'-ze-el (yeqabhtse'el, "God gathers"; Neh 11:25).
See KABZEEL .
jek-a-me'-am, je-kam'-e-am (yeqam`-am probably "may kinsman establish"): Head of a Levitical house (1 Ch 23:19; 24:23). The meaning of the name depends upon that of (`am) in compound names; See H P N , 46, 51 ff.
jek-am-mi'-a (yeqamyah, "may Yahweh establish"):
(1) A Judahite, son of Shallum (1 Ch 2:41).
(2) A son of King Jeconiah (Jehoiachin); in the King James Version "Jecamiah" (1 Ch 3:18).
je-ku'-thi-el (yeqthi'el meaning doubtful): A Judahite (1 Ch 4:18). The meaning may be "preservation of God" or perhaps the same as yoqthe'el, "Joktheel," the name of a place in Josh 15:38; 2 Ki 14:7.
je-mi'-ma (yemimah, perhaps a diminutive meaning "little dove"): The first daughter of Job (42:14), born after his restoration from affliction.
jem'-na-an (Iemnaan): A city on the coast of Palestine; mentioned among those affected by the expedition of Holofernes (Judith 2:28; 3:1 ff). The name is used for Jabniel, generally called "Jamnia" by the Greek writers.
je-mu'-el (yemu'el, meaning unknown): A "son" of Simeon (Gen 46:10; Ex 6:15) = "Nemuel" in Nu 26:12; 1 Ch 4:24.
The Syriac version has "Jemuel" in the 4 passages, but Gray (H P N, 307, note 6) thinks "Jemuel" is more probably a correction in Gen than "Nemuel" in Numbers.
jep'-ard, jep'-ar-di: The Eng, word referred originally to a game where the chances were even (from OFr. jeu parti); transferred thence to designate any great risk. In the New Testament, represented by the Greek verb kinduneuo (Lk 8:23; 1 Cor 15:30). In the Old Testament (Jdg 5:18) for a Hebrew idiom, "despise the soul," i.e. they placed a small value upon their lives (Vulgate "offered their souls to death"); for elliptical expression, "went with their lives," in 2 Sam 23:17 m.
jef'-tha (yiphtach, "opened," or "opener," probably signifying "Yahweh will open"; Iephthae; used as the name of a place, as in Josh 15:43; 19:14; of a man, Jdg 10:6 through 12:7): Ninth judge of the Israelites. His antecedents are obscure. Assuming Gilead to be the actual name of his father, his mother was a harlot. He was driven from home on account of his illegitimacy, and went to the land of Tobit in Eastern Syria (Jdg 11:2,3). Here he and his followers lived the life of freebooters.
The Israelites beyond the Jordan being in danger of an invasion by the Ammonites, Jephthah was invited by the elders of Gilead to be their leader (Jdg 11:5,6). Remembering how they had expelled him from their territory and his heritage, Jephthah demanded of them that in the event of success in the struggle with the Ammonites, he was to be continued as leader. This condition being accepted he returned to Gilead (Jdg 11:7-11). The account of the diplomacy used by Jephthah to prevent the Ammonites from invading Gilead is possibly an interpolation, and is thought by many interpreters to be a compilation from Nu 20 through 21. It is of great interest, however, not only because of the fairness of the argument used (Jdg 11:12-28), but also by virtue of the fact that it contains a history of the journey of the Israelites from Lower Egypt to the banks of the Jordan. This history is distinguished from that of the Pentateuch chiefly by the things omitted. If diplomacy was tried, it failed to dissuade the Ammonites from seeking to invade Israel. Jephthah prepared for battle, but before taking the field paused at Mizpeh of Gilead, and registered a vow that if he were successful in battle, he would offer as a burnt offering to Yahweh whatsoever should first come from his doors to greet him upon his return (Jdg 11:29-31). The battle is fought, Jephthah is the victor, and now his vow returns to him with anguish and sorrow. Returning to his home, the first to greet him is his daughter and only child. The father's sorrow and the courage of the daughter are the only bright lights on this sordid, cruel conception of God and of the nature of sacrifice. That the sacrifice was made seems certain from the narrative, although some critics choose to substitute for the actual death of the maiden the setting the girl apart for a life of perpetual virginity. The Israelite laws concerning sacrifices and the language used in Jdg 11:39 are the chief arguments for the latter interpretation. The entire narrative, however, will hardly bear this construction (11:34-40).
Jephthah was judge in Israel for 6 years, but appears only once more in the Scripture narrative. The men of Ephraim, offended because they had had no share in the victory over the Ammonites, made war upon Gilead, but were put to rout by the forces under Jephthah (Jdg 12:1-6).
C. E. Schenk
je-fun'-e (yephunneh, meaning uncertain):
(1) Father of Caleb (Nu 13:6; 14:6,30, etc.).
According to Nu 13:6, he was of the tribe of Judah; according to 32:12; Josh 14:6, a Kenizzite; the Kenizzites were incorporated in Judah (compare 1 Ch 4:13-15).
(2) A son of Jether, an Asherite (1 Ch 7:38).
je'-ra (yerach): A son of Joktan (Gen 10:26 parallel 1 Ch 1:20). No district Jerah has been discovered. However, Yurakh in Yemen and Yarach in Hijaz are places named by the Arabic geographers. The fact that the word in Hebrew means "moon" has led to the following suggestions: the Banu Hilal ("sons of the new moon") in the North of Yemen; Ghubb el-Qamar ("the bay of the moon"), Jebel el-Qamar ("the mountains of the moon") in Eastern Chadramant. But in Southern Arabia worship of the moon has caused the word to bulk largely in place-names.
je-ra'-me-el, je-ra'-me-el-its (yerachme'el, "may God have compassion!"):
(1) In 1 Ch 2:9,25,26,27,33,42, he is described as the son of Hezron, the son of Perez, the son of Judah by Tamar his daughter-in-law (Gen 38). In 1 Sam 27:10 is mentioned the neghebh of the (ha-yerach-me'eli, a collective noun), the Revised Version (British and American) "the South of the Jerahmeelites." The latter is a tribal name in use probably before the proper name, above; their cities are mentioned in 1 Sam 30:29. Cheyne has radical views on Jerahmeel. See EB , under the word; also T. Witton Davies in Review of Theology and Philosophy, III, 689-708 (May, 1908); and Cheyne's replies in Hibbert Journal, VII, 132-51 (October, 1908), and Decline and Fall of the Kingdom of Judah.
(2) A Merarite Levite, son of Kish (1 Ch 24:29).
(3) "The king's son," the Revised Version (British and American) and the King James Version margin (Jer 36:26). the Revised Version margin, the King James Version have "son of Hammelech," taking the word ha-melek as a proper name. He was "probably a royal prince, one who had a king among his ancestors but not necessarily son of the ruling king; so 38:6; 1 Ki 22:26b; especially Zeph 1:8 written at a time when the reigning king, Josiah, could not have had a grown-up `son' " (Driver, Jeremiah, 224, note e). Jerahmeel was with two others commanded by Jehoiakim to arrest Jeremiah and Baruch.
David Francis Roberts
jer'-e-ku, jer'-e-kus the King James Version (1 Esdras 5:22).
See JERICHO .
je'-red (yeredh, "descent"): A Judahite, father of Gedor (1 Ch 4:18).
See also JARED .
jer'-e-mi, jer-e-ma'-i (yeremay, meaning unknown): One of those who had married foreign wives (Ezr 10:33).
See JEREMIAS (1 Esdras 9:34).
jer-e-mi'-a ((a) yirmeyahu, or (b) shorter form, yirmeyah, both differently explained as "Yah establishes (so Giesebrecht), whom Yahweh casts," i.e. possibly, as Gesenius suggests, "appoints" (A. B. Davidson in HDB, II, 569a), and "Yahweh looseneth" (the womb); See BDB ): The form (b) is used of Jeremiah the prophet only in Jer 27:1; 28:5,6,10,11,12b,15; 29:1; Ezr 1:1; Dan 9:2, while the other is found 116 times in Jeremiah alone. In 1 Esdras 1:28,32,47,57; 2 Esdras 2:18, English Versions of the Bible has "Jeremy," so the King James Version in 2 Macc 2:1,5,7; Mt 2:17; 27:9; in Mt 16:14, the King James Version has "Jeremias," but the Revised Version (British and American) in 2 Maccabees and Matthew has "Jeremiah."
(1) The prophet. See special article. Of the following, (2), (3) and (4) have form (a) above; the others the form (b).
(2) Father of Hamutal (Hamital), the mother of King Jehoahaz and King Jehoiakim (2 Ki 23:31; 24:18 parallel Jer 52:1).
(3) A Rechabite (Jer 35:3).
(4) In 1 Ch 12:13 (Hebrew 14), a Gadite.
(5) In 1 Ch 12:10 (Hebrew 11), a Gadite.
(6) In 1 Ch 12:4 (Hebrew 5), a Benjamite(?) or Judean. (4), (5) and (6) all joined David at Ziklag.
(7) Head of a Manassite family (1 Ch 5:24).
(8) A priest who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh 10:2), probably the same as he of 12:34 who took part in the procession at the dedication of the walls of Jerusalem.
(9) A priest who went to Jerusalem with Zerubbabel from exile and became head of a priestly family of that name (Neh 12:1).
David Francis Roberts
jer-e-mi'-a:
1. Name and Person
2. Life of Jeremiah
3. The Personal Character of Jeremiah
4. The Prophecies of Jeremiah
5. The Book of Jeremiah
6. Authenticity and Integrity of the Book
7. Relation to the Septuagint (Septuagint)
LITERATURE
The name of one of the greatest prophets of Israel. The Hebrew yirmeyahu, abbreviated to yirmeyah, signifies either "Yahweh hurls" or "Yahweh founds." Septuagint reads Iermias, and the Vulgate (Jerome's Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) Jeremias. As this name also occurs not infrequently, the prophet is called "the son of Hilkiah" (Jer 1:1), who is, however, not the high priest mentioned in 2 Ki 22 and 23, as it is merely stated that he was "of the priests that were in Anathoth" in the land of Benjamin In Anathoth, now Anata, a small village 3 miles Northeast of Jerusalem, lived a class of priests who belonged to a side line, not to the line of Zadok (compare 1 Ki 2:26).
Jeremiah was called by the Lord to the office of a prop